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Chapter 2
ESTABLISHING A PARK
George Carr Round's vision for the Manassas
battlefields laid the foundation for preserving this Civil War site.
Further contributions came from the Sons of Confederate Veterans (SCV)
and the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration. In 1921 the SCV
established a Confederate park at the Henry farm, the location of heavy
fighting during First Manassas. Fourteen years later, the Roosevelt
administration incorporated the Confederate park into a New Deal
recreational demonstration area, which included a sizable amount of land
associated with both battles. Only after the federal government obtained
control of these lands did Manassas National Battlefield Park come into
existence on 10 May 1940.
Preservation of the Manassas battlefields during the
interwar period was symptomatic of a larger movement in the United
States that embraced tradition and history. Collecting Americana, from
books and manuscripts to furniture and folk art, became an obsession for
some of America's wealthiest citizens. These vast collections, valuable
for their insights into past ways of life, eventually became the
foundations for many important museums, including the Winterthur Museum
(housing the Henry Francis du Pont collection of furniture and
decorative arts) and the Shelburne Museum with its folk art. This
collecting boom soon spilled over into the preservation of buildings and
even sections of towns. Henry Ford relocated historic buildings to his
Greenfield Village near Detroit, while John D. Rockefeller Jr.
bankrolled the massive restoration of Colonial Williamsburg. [1]
Participation by middle-class Americans in this love
affair with history took several forms. They drove their newly
affordable automobiles, another contribution by Henry Ford, on the
growing national system of highways and explored many out-of-the-way
historic sites. States and organizations assisted these travelers'
history bent by erecting roadside plaques describing significant events
or directing tourists to notable stops along the way. Best seller lists
for the 1920s and 1930s revealed America's penchant for history books
and biographies, especially for the Revolutionary and Civil War eras.
Local associations flourished with activity, celebrating occasions of
both regional and national significance. People also celebrated their
family histories by delving into genealogical research. Many New Deal
agencies supported the chronicling of American history, whether in Farm
Service Association photographs of the dust bowlers or in Works Progress
Administration murals and theatrical productions. Each stage along the
way to national park status for the Manassas battlefields reflects this
feverish interest in history and provides specific examples of how
Americans thought lands should be preserved and interpreted.
Confederate Achievement
E. W. R. Ewing, the historian-in-chief of the Sons of
Confederate Veterans, took up the cause that Round had initiated and
rallied support from the various Confederate organizations to establish
a Confederate park at Henry Hill. In 1920 he called a mass meeting of
the Washington Camp of the SCV, along with members of the public and
representatives from several southern states. Around the same time, Mrs.
Westwood Hutchinson, president of the Manassas chapter of the United
Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC), obtained an option for the purchase
of the Henry farm, totaling 130 acres, for $25,000. With this option in
hand, Ewing and his supporters wrote a charter that the Virginia State
Corporation Commission granted under its nonstock laws in May 1921. The
resulting corporation provided a vehicle for accepting contributions and
raising funds toward the acquisition of land and maintenance and
development of the park. [2]
Controlled by a board of three directors, for which
Ewing served as president, the Manassas Battlefield Corporation promoted
memorial, educational, and historical activities. Its mission was to
seek cooperation and fairness between North and South. The corporation,
however, also wanted to give voice to the South's "distinct, wonderful,
equally thrilling, all-important story." In the opinion of the corporate
directors, recent historical treatments of the Civil War had depicted
their "Confederate ancestors as enemies of [their] country," arguing
that the perpetuation of slavery, not states' rights, had prompted the
Southern states to secede. In response, the corporation saw the
Confederate park as a way to "offer the full truth," in the hopes that
the " 'truth shall make' our children free." [3]
Education was a primary focus of the Confederate
park, and planned developments reflected this mission. The Henry House,
which the Henry family had turned into an informal museum prior to the
establishment of the Confederate park, continued to serve as a museum
for war relics. To facilitate the educational benefits of this
collection, the corporation began seeking donations to build a larger,
fireproof museum at the park. To assist visitors as they toured the
battlefield, a caretaker living on the grounds provided directions and
answered some questions. The corporation hoped to have a full-time guide
on the premises at some future date. Eventually, the corporate directors
also planned to publish "an impartial and full history" of the Manassas
battles and of the Civil War and its causes. These educational efforts
served the stated mission of giving more sympathetic treatment to the
South's understanding of the history of the Civil War than had so far
existed. [4]
Paired with education, the corporate directors
intended the Manassas Battlefield Confederate Park to serve as the
"supreme battlefield memorial" to all Confederate soldiers. Ewing
lobbied individual state legislatures to appropriate money for the
erection of memorials and markers to recall Southern, as well as
Northern, strategies and displays of courage in the battles. The
Virginia State Highway Commission had already placed markers along Lee
Highway, providing directions to the Confederate park. A landscape
architect, detailed from the U.S. government, had begun landscaping the
acquired lands. Ultimately, the corporate directors wanted to create
"the most beautiful memorial Park in all the land." The resident
caretaker maintained the grounds until further financial assistance
could pay for more extensive changes. [5]
To show their support for the educational and
memorial mission of the Confederate park, a range of interests became
involved during the first years of the park's creation. In 1923 the
Virginia state legislature authorized payment of $10,000 toward purchase
of the Henry farm, under the condition that the Manassas Battlefield
Corporation provide the remaining $15,000. Representatives from the
United Daughters of the Confederacy, the Southern Confederated Memorial
Association, the Confederate Veterans, the Sons of Confederate Veterans,
and each southern state served on the corporation's audit board and thus
directly contributed to the organization and planning for the park.
Officials, ranging from the governor of Maryland to a past commander of
the Grand Army of the Republic, expressed their enthusiasm for the
Confederate park, while individuals throughout the South sent
contributions. [6]
Despite the early optimism, the Manassas Battlefield
Confederate Park had difficulty meeting its financial obligations, which
slowed its momentum. Although the corporation had received $10,000 in
individual contributions and another $10,000 from Virginia during its
first fund-raising efforts, the last $5,000 remained elusive. Under the
threat of losing the battlefield lands, the SCV renewed its support and
convinced each of its divisions to donate between $500 and $1,000 toward
the final payment, made in June 1927. The battlefield corporation also
needed finances to cover litigation costs when, in 1924, the board of
directors fought off an attempt by a subgroup within the organization to
acquire the lands. Maintenance of the property continued to tax the
remaining limited resources, leaving the corporation without the funds
to accomplish its primary goals: erecting memorials on the battlefields,
building a fireproof museum to house its collection of artifacts, and
writing a history of the Manassas battles. [7]
The financial condition of the Confederate park
continued to worsen into the 1930s, prompting the corporation to
consider alternatives to its administration of the Manassas
battlefields. Ewing, the park's chief proponent, had died in late 1927,
leaving a vacuum that few could fill with the same enthusiasm and
dedication. Financially, by 1935 the corporation had spent more than
$50,000 toward the park, and yet it encountered difficulties in raising
the $30 required each month to pay the caretaker's salary. Recognizing
this situation, Edmond Wiles, the chairman of the Manassas Battlefield
Committee, which the SCV formed to erect markers and other memorials at
the park, began corresponding with the National Park Service in 1933.
Wiles asked NPS Director Horace Albright for aid in building a museum at
Manassas, to which Albright responded that Congress had not authorized
the Park Service to assist the private organization. Recognizing the
opportunity presented, Albright instead asked Wiles if the Manassas
Battlefield Committee would be "disposed to turn over to the Government"
the battlefield for designation as a national monument. Wiles thought
Albright's idea possible, in light of the current financial difficulties
and past discussions held on this topic at SCV conventions. Following
one more detour through the New Deal's recreational demonstration area
program, these first communications eventually led to incorporation of
the Henry Hill tract into the Manassas National Battlefield Park. [8]
A New Deal for Manassas
Reflecting a renewed interest in commemorating the
actions of American soldiers in World War I and previous conflicts,
Congress reconsidered the idea of establishing battlefield parks at
Manassas and elsewhere between the end of World War I and the onset of
the Great Depression. By 1926 the Manassas battlefields competed in the
House Military Affairs Committee with twenty-eight other bills that
proposed creating national military parks. Rejecting the idea of a
military park commission study, Congress turned instead to a 1925
memorandum, written by Lt. Col. C. A. Bach of the Army War College and
approved by the secretary of war, which provided a comprehensive
battlefield classification system. Congress passed and in June 1926
President Calvin Coolidge signed legislation authorizing the War
Department to survey identified battlefields using Bach's classification
system, the first time the federal government had authorized a broad
historic sites study. [9]
Bach's classification scheme relied on past
congressional legislation and thus incorporated the ideas presented by
such influential individuals as Brig. Gen. George B. Davis, originator
of the Antietam Plan. Bach ranked various battlegrounds based on his
determination of what level of commemorative action would appropriately
memorialize the events that took place at each site, ranging from
national military parks to the placement of historic markers. Class 1
battlefields, according to Bach's organization, represented battles of
"exceptional" political and military significance with "far-reaching"
effects that justified designation as national military parks. Bach
identified Yorktown and Saratoga, from the American Revolution, as the
only sites that met this criterion and were not yet incorporated into
parks. Bach subdivided Class 2 battlefields, which overall warranted
designation as national monuments, into two groups. Class 2a, in which
Bach placed Manassas, justified marking of the battle lines of the
engaged forces with markers but not necessarily memorials, while Class
2b battles required only a tablet or monument to indicate the location
of the battleground. Bach's scheme reconfirmed the historic significance
of the Manassas battlefields. [10]
Under the congressionally sanctioned War Department
surveys conducted between 1926 and 1932, Manassas received attention but
still failed to reach national park status. In 1928 district engineers
performed a preliminary field investigation of the two battlefields at
Manassas and noted that $2,600 would be needed to complete a detailed
survey. Congress finally authorized this sum in 1931, but because of
worsening national economic conditions, the War Department excluded
Manassas in its fiscal year 1933 budget estimates as a cost savings
measure. Fourteen other areas became federal parks between 1926 and
1933, including Virginia's Petersburg National Military Park (1926) and
Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania County Battlefields Memorial National
Military Park (1927), but Manassas remained without the coveted
designation, perhaps again due to its connection to two stunning
Confederate victories. [11]
Support for the Manassas surveys, and thus a park,
evaporated in Congress in the late 1920s, and it was not until the
Roosevelt administration that the idea of a national battlefield park
was revived. First, in 1933 President Roosevelt reorganized the National
Park Service and transferred the previously established military parks
to the agency. Although not included in the transfer, Manassas did
inspire Roosevelt to pursue this step. In early April 1933 Horace
Albright had the fortunate opportunity of riding in a touring car along
Lee Highway from Shenandoah National Park to Washington with the
president. Referring to the lands where initial fighting had occurred
during the Second Battle of Manassas, Director Albright suggested that
the Park Service obtain administrative control over the War Department's
historic parks and monuments. Roosevelt readily agreed and urged
Albright to "do something about this tomorrow," resulting soon
afterwards in the transfer. [12]
Second, Roosevelt's New Deal recreational
demonstration projects provided the funding and human resources for
acquiring land, planning development, and ultimately preparing Manassas
for transfer to the Park Service. Originated in 1933 under the authority
of the National Industrial Recovery Act, recreational demonstration
projects served a long-identified need for providing more recreational
facilities to lower-income families. In 1935 Roosevelt incorporated the
recreational projects into the newly established Resettlement
Administration, which served to demonstrate the proper use of land by
buying inferior and unprofitable farmland and using it for other, more
beneficial purposes. [13]
From the start, the National Park Service supervised
the planning for the forty-six recreational demonstration project areas
located in twenty five states. Using funding available from other New
Deal programs, including the Public Works Administration, the Civilian
Conservation Corps, the Emergency Relief Administration, and the Works
Progress Administration, the Park Service converted old farms and
woodland into recreation areas with cabins, picnic areas, and trails. On
reclaimed lands, the government built playgrounds for low-income urban
populations. Farm families struggling on submarginal lands were
transferred to more productive lands. In each case, the recreational
demonstration program served the larger mission of the Resettlement
Administration to better the lives of both rural and urban dwellers. [14]
By 1935 the Roosevelt administration had designated
1,476 acres of the Manassas battlefields as the Bull Run Recreational
Demonstration Area. Howard W. Smith, recently elected representative for
northern Virginia, assisted the government in identifying tracts for the
project area and obtaining competitive prices for the land. Smith
considered the Manassas battlefield park one of his pet projects. He
justified the program to Conrad Wirth, then assistant director of the
Park Service, pointing to three beneficial aspects: preservation of a
significant historic site, provision of recreational facilities for area
residents, and availability of submarginal land that could be put to
more productive use as a military park. Interestingly, Smith had opposed
some of the New Deal programs that had made the recreational
demonstration project possible, such as the $4.8 billion work relief
program contained in the emergency relief appropriation bill of 1935.
However, Smith recognized the value of the Bull Run Recreational
Demonstration Area to his voting public and remained a longtime advocate
of the battlefield park. [15]
The reasons why the Roosevelt administration included
Manassas in the recreational demonstration program are complex.
Certainly the many unsuccessful attempts to obtain park status through
Congress may have convinced some enterprising and farsighted
individuals, including Smith, to use the vehicle of the recreational
demonstration areas, which bypassed the legislative branch almost
entirely. Albright had gone on motoring trips through the historic and
scenic areas of Virginia with both President Roosevelt and Secretary of
the Interior Harold L. Ickes, providing the historic preservation-minded
Albright with ample opportunity to plant the idea. The battlefields'
proximity to Washington also presented an exemplary chance to display
the virtues of the recreational demonstration program to a sometimes
critical Congress. For a combination of reasons, the National Park
Service embraced the Manassas project. [16]
Bull Run Recreational Demonstration Area
Initial plans for the Bull Run Recreational
Demonstration Area departed significantly from the previous legislative
attempts to preserve the Manassas battlefields. Instead of modestly
acquiring a few hundred acres of land that had important historic
associations, as favored by the Antietam Plan and by George Carr Round,
the Bull Run project proposed a maximum area of almost 10,000 acres to
provide for a "complete visualization" of the two battles. Even the
smaller "primary purchase area" of 1,600 acres represented a sizable
increase over Round's recommendations, and Park Service planning
documents repeatedly prioritized holdings with the view of obtaining the
larger park. The National Park Service wanted Bull Run to become a point
of historic interest of the same caliber as Gettysburg, a project that
would require restoration of the battlefields, development of adequate
facilities to accommodate the expected thousands of visitors, and
marking of the historic areas in the park. [17]
The National Park Service justified its planning for
Manassas using a three-pronged approach emphasizing the historical,
recreational, and work relief advantages. By tying historic preservation
and use together, the Park Service met both the requirements of the
Resettlement Administration and its own vision of the value and
importance of battlefield parks. Historic preservation served as the
guiding force for locating the park and designing its overall layout.
The Park Service wanted to include the most historic areas associated
with the two battles of Manassas. The story of these battles would be
told in conjunction with other important Virginia campaigns during the
Civil War. Park Service historians envisioned a linked national
battlefield system, in which visitors could trace the movement of
soldiers from one Virginia battlefield to the next and emerge from the
experience with an overall understanding of the Civil War. [18]
To fulfill this historic preservation mission at
Manassas, the Park Service pursued several development projects.
Landscape work completed by the Works Progress Administration followed
the advice of historians, who researched the war records and
reconstructed the appearance of the land at the time of the battles.
Among other areas, workers cleared the rounded crest of Bald Hill, which
had been free of trees during 1862 and had proved of tactical
significance to the events of Second Manassas. Some landscape work was
dictated by the poor condition of the soil. The Park Service recommended
keeping gullies and erosion areas protected with vegetation until
suitable grass cover secured the soil. Workers saved historical relics
unearthed during clearing operations for an eventual park museum.
Laborers also opened and improved formerly overgrown roads and braced
the falling Chinn House until a set of plans could be drawn for its
possible restoration. [19]
Other development projects supporting the historic
preservation mission of the demonstration area involved interpretation.
Joseph Mills Hanson, a trained historian who later served as the park's
second superintendent, provided historical research support. With
guidance from Branch Spalding, the coordinating superintendent at
Fredericksburg who directly supervised all recreational demonstration
work at Manassas, Hanson conducted research on the Manassas battles. He
retraced the routes different forces had taken over the battlefields and
sought out period maps. This research aided workers in clearing fields
to resemble their historical appearance. Hanson's understanding of the
battles also proved useful for writing texts for more than sixty
markers, which were placed at strategic areas on the battlefields. [20]
Recreation, the second of the three-pronged approach
at the Manassas battlefields, aimed to serve the Washington, D.C.,
regional population, which in the "not distant future" was expected to
house almost a million people in need of space and an outlet for outdoor
activities. Representative Smith predicted in a letter to Assistant
Director Wirth that the Bull Run demonstration area, located about
thirty miles from the district line, "would be visited daily by
thousands of people from Washington who lack any large park area of this
character ... for an afternoon's recreation." The Park Service's final
project report for the demonstration area echoed this sentiment: "When
the Battlefield with its many springs and streams and its 5,000 acres of
woodland is properly developed, not as a cemetery, but as a pleasure
ground," it will attract more visitation than Gettysburg. Suggestions
for recreational developments ranged from picnic areas to athletic
fields, camp sites to bridle paths. With access assured through paved
roads and proper management, the possibilities seemed boundless. [21]
Ideas about serving the recreational needs of the
nation's capital reflected an underlying mission for the recreational
demonstration areas. The Park Service argued that the Manassas area,
"teeming with history and romance," could serve to inspire future
generations if the "deeds of heroism" were properly memorialized. Here,
history and recreation went hand-in-hand to aid in the furtherance of
the democratic nation. These lofty goals for a national park site were
not unusual. Interior Secretary Ickes had designated 1934 as National
Park Year to promote travel to America's natural and historic areas and
to provide a needed respite from the worries of the Depression. Many
people spent all of their energy trying to find work, food to feed their
families, and a warm, dry place to sleep. Projects like the one at
Manassas offered hope through rejuvenation. Taking a break from these
worries by going out into the country refreshed the mind and renewed the
spirit. This reenergized electorate, the Roosevelt administration
predicted, would return to their plights with sustaining hope. Better
times would be that much closer when everyone joined together, renewed
in purpose. [22]
When considering the underlying goals of the Bull Run
Recreational Demonstration Area, it becomes evident that the Park
Service did not favor one particular type of recreation over others. In
addition, what the Service considered "recreation" in the 1930s varies
from present understandings of the term. Taking a leisurely drive and
following a battlefield tour qualified as a form of recreation. Today,
this activity seems more focused on history than recreation. Hiking
along Bull Run and enjoying the rural countryside or picnicking in the
shade of a hillside and exploring the historic events of the Manassas
battles, although certainly an educational experience, was also
considered recreation. What these activities had in common was the
opportunity to leave the city, walk or drive in open spaces, and immerse
oneself in enjoyable diversions. The end result, the Roosevelt
administration hoped, was a refreshed American public able to take on
the challenges of the economic hard times.
In addition to history and recreation, the
recreational demonstration area served the third important function of
using unemployed local labor to assist the Park Service in implementing
its development plans. Viewed as an ideal work relief program, this
project employed residents of Prince William and adjoining counties to
clear grounds and restore the landscape using proper natural resource
conservation techniques. Stabilization of historic structures and
control of erosion were largely done by relief workers. The
"demonstrated" concept was that the "ennobling inspiration" and valuable
instruction gained from the preservation and development of the
battlefields would be heightened by the fact that local laborers in need
of work immediately benefited from the establishment of the park. [23]
Although recreation and work relief continued to be
important factors, history remained the driving force for the
recreational demonstration area. Historian Hanson's research into the
two battles of Manassas enabled him to identify the most significant
properties for inclusion in the Bull Run project area, those lands which
had sustained the heaviest fighting. The National Park Service used
Hanson's research to determine the core area for the battlefield park.
Acting Director Arthur E. Demaray noted in summer 1937 that the Park
Service would acquire only the most important sites, including the Henry
House, the Chinn House, the Stone Bridge, the Stone House, the Van Pelt
House, and Sudley Mill. Adjacent land that had been under cultivation at
the time of the battles, in Demaray's estimation, could remain in
private ownership "unless developments occur thereon which would be
incompatible" with the battlefield park's mission. By November of the
same year, Hanson reported that more than 1,400 acres had been secured
from such families as the Robinsons and Dogans for inclusion in the
park. The Park Service, however, still needed to find a way to acquire
the crucial Henry Hill tract. [24]
Due to his close supervision of the historical
research and development projects at Bull Run, Coordinating
Superintendent Spalding took on the delicate issue of securing the
Manassas Battlefield Confederate Park for the federal government. When
members of the Sons of Confederate Veterans learned in July 1935 of the
proposed transfer, significant opposition, led by Col. Walter L.
Hopkins, rallied to keep the park privately owned. Primarily, Hopkins
believed that the Manassas Battlefield Corporation's board of directors
had exceeded its authority in making the offer without first consulting
the general organization, but he also held some reservations about
having the federal government take control of a park that southern money
and dedication had created. Spalding feared that the opposition did not
have confidence in the National Park Service's ability to administer the
land, but this issue proved less significant. [25]
Relying on his detailed knowledge of the Manassas
project and other Park Service efforts in the South, Spalding addressed
the concerns expressed by Hopkins and his followers. As Hopkins later
admitted to Arno Cammerer, the director of the NPS, Spalding's scholarly
understanding of the issues, his courteous and diplomatic manner, and
his long-term dedication soothed the rumpled sensibilities of the
membership. Based on first-hand accounts of the Park Service's
interpretive activities at Gettysburg, Hopkins also gained confidence in
the fair and even treatment with which the federal government would
interpret the Manassas battlefields. Spalding's efforts were rewarded in
June 1936 when, following a "bitter all day debate," the Sons of
Confederate Veterans voted to donate the Manassas property, leaving
Spalding "exhausted but happy." [26]
Despite Spalding's skillful handling, delays and
obstacles further hampered the transfer. Opponents, now led by J. Roy
Price, placed certain restrictions on the gift, most notably the promise
that the federal government would erect a museum at the park. The Park
Service intended to build the museum eventually and thus argued for
immediate transfer, but the solicitor general ruled in November 1938
that acceptance required either the exclusion of the provision for a
museum or congressional appropriation of the necessary funds. In May
1939 Congress supplied $56,000 for construction of a museum. Continued
minor problems delayed the final transfer of property until 12 February
1940. On 10 May 1940, Interior Secretary Ickes, using the authority
conferred by the 1935 Historic Sites Act, designated more than 1,600
acres of the Bull Run Recreational Demonstration Area and former
Manassas Battlefield Confederate Park as Manassas National Battlefield
Park. [27]
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