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II. The Southern Approach - The Fur
Traders
The approach to the Glacier National Park region from the south
lagged far behind that from the north. The traders from St. Louis under
Spanish control never penetrated any distance up the Missouri, although
they were gaining experience nearer home which was to take therm at one
bound to the headwaters of the great river.
In Canada, a government expedition marked the closing period of the
fur trade era. In the United States it was a government expedition which
initiated it. Lewis and Clark went into a country which beyond the
Mandan villages, had never been visited by American traders. On their
return in 1807, Lewis made an overland trip from the Missouri along the
base of the Rockies as far as the Marias River, and named Chief
Mountain. A question has been raised whether he would not have
discovered Marias Pass had he not been threatened with Indian troubles.
In any case this is the earliest mention of a natural feature connected
with the Park itself.
Near the Marias, Lewis and his small party fell in with a group of
Gros Ventre who attempted to steal their guns and horses. Two Gros
Ventre were killed but the horses were nearly all stolen, although Lewis
and his men secured four horses belonging to the Indians. They then beat
a hasty retreat to the main party and pushed on rapidly down the
Missouri. This encounter is usually said to have been with the
Blackfoot, but apparently the tribe concerned was the Gros Ventre. At
least this is Lisa's report.
One John Colter, a soldier with Clark, asked permission to stay on
the upper Yellowstone, which was granted. Further down the river Lewis
and Clark met with fur traders already following their trail, presumably
the party headed by that dynamic Spanish trader of St. Louis, Manuel
Lisa, who figured largely in the history of the succeeding years. In
1807 Lisa pushed as far as the junction of the Yellowstone and Bighorn
rivers, where he established a post. Colter met him and enlisted with
his company, going alone to visit the Crow and crossing over the summit
with Crow guides. There they were attacked by Blackfoot (Gros Ventre?)
and Colter was forced to return, making his way through what is now
Yellowstone Park. Two years later Lisa turned his post over to the
Missouri River Fur Company which he had helped to organize. An attempt
was made to establish a post at the Three Forks of the Missouri but this
party, under Pierre Menard and Andrew Henry, was driven out. They
crossed the Rockies, building Henry's Fort on the opposite slope,
abandoning it the following year.
In 1811 all posts of the Missouri Fur Company above the Mandan
villages were abandoned. The Astorians in this year went overland from
Arikara rather than risk ascending the river through Blackfoot
territory. No recorded efforts to make establishments above the Mandans
are known for some years. The abortive Yellowstone Expedition of 1819
must have seriously injured American prestige. Yet two years later, in
1821, another effort was made and the first Fort Benton was built at the
Big Horn and Yellowstone rivers and the Rocky Mountain Fur Company
established a post the following year at the mouth of the Yellowstone.
Disaster attended efforts to push into Blackfoot country, however. In
1823 a party under Jones and Immell left Fort Benton for the Three Forks
and were ambuscaded on their return trip. The same year Andrew Henry,
bound toward the Blackfoot for the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, was
attacked at Great Falls and driven back. The Blackfoot stole so many
horses from the Rocky Mountain Fur Company post at the mouth of the
Yellowstone that it was abandoned and moved up to the Bighorn. The
following year the Missouri Fur Company found this upriver trade so
unprofitable and dangerous that it withdrew all the way down river to
the Omaha.
At this time a great deal was said and written about British
influence being used to inflame the Blackfoot and other tribes against
the Americans. As we have seen, the British were having their own
difficulties and the attempt to reestablish Chesterfield House failed
about then. Although the British were willing to buy beaver stolen from
Americans, competing American companies were known to do the same thing,
and there is at least one case where actual robbery of a competing
company was instigated by an American firm. While the British may have
depreciated the Americans to the Blackfoot, they did no more than they
would and did do to any rival trader regardless of nationality. The
diatribes against British machinations at this time must be read with
the Anglophobia of the period in mind as well as an eye to fur trade
ethics and the actual situation of the British in the same area.
The second and more successful Yellowstone expedition, in 1825, made
a change for the better in the American fur trade. The expedition moved
some distance up the Yellowstone, where it met General Ashley, moving
spirit at the time in the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, and made treaties
with all the tribes of the River except the Blackfoot, with whom it was
unable to establish contacts. In 1827 Ashley projected a post at the
mouth of the Marias for Blackfoot trade, but his interest was diverted,
and no attempt was made to carry out the plan.
The year 1828 saw the entry of the powerful American Fur Company on
the upper river, with posts at the mouth of the Yellowstone and up the
Yellowstone. In 1830 the name Fort Union was applied to the post at the
junction of the Yellowstone and the Missouri which was destined to
become one of the important centers for the area. This same year Henry
Vanderburgh had his first brush with the Blackfoot, who two years later
were to kill him.
The American Fur Company was determined to open trade with the
Blackfoot at any cost. In 1831 opportunity offered. An old trapper by
the name of Berger, formerly with the Hudson's Bay Company, who had
lived among the Blackfoot and spoke the language, appeared at Fort
Union. He offered to lead a party into the country and set off with
three companions, returning with forty Blackfoot men, many of whom had
never before visited this far down the Missouri. So suspicious were the
Blackfoot that Berger had told them the distance was less than it
actually was. One day's journey from the fort, they refused to travel
further. Berger courageously offered his life as forfeit if they did not
reach the fort the following day. Berger's companions had felt that they
were committing suicide in accompanying him. To Berger must go the
credit for a courageous handling of a dangerous enterprise which
resulted in the establishment of American relations with the Blackfoot
for the first time.
The immediate result of Berger's success was the establishment of a
post, Fort Piegan, at the mouth of the Marias, which had a successful
season except for one abortive attack. The Blackfoot wished the post
kept open in the summer and when the founder, James Kipp, left it
according to his instructions, the Indians burned the first fort. The
same fall it was rebuilt by D. D. Mitchell in what is now known as Brule
Bottom and renamed Fort McKenzie after the energetic director of the
Missouri River operations of the American Fur Company. From this time on
the American Fur Company maintained almost permanent relations with the
Blackfoot but all was not peace. This same year Bridger and Fitzpatrick
of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company had one of their many encounters with
Blackfoot (or Gros Ventre?).
The year 1831 was epoch-making in another respect. That year
steamboat navigation began on the upper Missouri and the first steamboat
reached Fort Union at the mouth of the Yellowstone. This was destined to
revolutionize the fur trade.
The long and bitter hostility of the Blackfoot has always been
somewhat of a mystery. It has sometimes been attributed to Colter's
presence with the Crow when the latter were attacked by the Blackfoot,
sometimes to the mistake of Lisa in establishing his first up-river post
among the Crow, bitter enemies of the Blackfoot, and sometimes to
British influence. The last charge is disproved by a reading of British
troubles with the Blackfoot. Neither of the first two seems in any
degree an adequate explanation, although it is true that Lisa found the
Blackfoot friendly before he established his post among the Crow.
For one thing the Blackfoot were blamed for many events with which
they had no connection. The early trappers and traders constantly
classed the Gros Ventre with the Blackfoot although they in fact were
only loosely allied to them, speaking a different language and occupying
a different territory. The Gros Ventre were really a branch of the
Arapaho, whom they frequently visited. The Gros Ventre route is known to
have been west of the Rockies, to avoid the Crow country, and most of
the "Blackfoot" encounters in this region were actually with Gros
Ventre. Although such an able authority as Chittenden was thoroughly
aware of these facts, in his narrative sections he generally repeats
Blackfoot without qualification.
From the conduct of the Blackfoot in a somewhat later time, that is,
at the making of the Reservation treaties, both with the United States
and Canadian governments, it seems fairly clear that their hostility was
in part an effort to keep their own territory and customs intact,
aggravated perhaps by the misdeeds of some whites. To well-conducted
individuals they seem to have been friendly and permitted numerous
individuals to reside among them and marry into the tribe. Hendry's
account of the dignity and friendliness of the tribe is but one of many
telling the same story. Thompson, too, had most pleasant relations with
them until he began selling arms to the Kootenay. They do not seem to
have been hostile to trading parties but only to the establishment of
posts and the visits of trappers as opposed to traders. In 1857 a
Blackfoot chief said to Hector, leader of one of the parties of the
Imperial Palliser Expedition, "We see but little of the white man, and
our young men do not know how to behave. But if you come among us the
chiefs will restrain the young men, for we have power over them. But
look at the Crees, they have long lived in the company of white men, and
nevertheless they are just like dogs, they try to bite when your head is
turned - they have no manners, but the Blackfeet have large hearts and
they love to show hospitality." (MacInness, 44) For similar good
accounts one may see also the account of Stevens on the Pacific Railway
Surveys.
We return to the chronological story of the fur trade advance. The
American Fur Company built Fort Cass at the mouth of the Big Horn in
1832, the year of the building of Fort McKenzie. This year is also
notable for the visit of Catlin to Fort Union, and the following year
came Maximilian, Prince of Weid, both famous chroniclers of Indian
customs. In 1834 Thomas Nuttal and J. K. Townsend, English scientists,
crossed the continent by way of the fur posts on the Missouri. In 1836
Larprenteur speaks of Blackfoot trading at Fort Union, and of traders
being sent into the Blackfoot country, as though it wore a regular thing
(Larprenteur, 92: 101.) Father de Smet began his famous missionary
labors among the Flatheads in 1840. The usefulness of Fort McKenzie came
to a close in 1842-3 when F. A. Chardon, post manager, attempted to
massacre a group of Bloods in revenge for the killing of a favorite
negro servant, reviving Blackfoot animosity. Fort Benton which was built
in 1846 slightly above the Marias on the Missouri was destined to become
a famous post because of its situation at the head of steamboat
navigation. The day of the fur trade was about to wane, and here, as to
the north, the story is to be taken up by engineer, cowboy, miner,
railroad builder, and settler. (The preceding section is largely
summarized from: Chittenden; American Fur Trade of the Far West; Laut;
The Blazed Trail of the Old Frontier; Larprenteur; Forty Years a Fur
Trader; Irving; Bonneville. Various other journals and accounts in the
bibliography may be used to supplement this information in detail.)
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